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One hundred fifty-eight years ago today, thousands of Mississippians fought at Sharpsburg, Maryland, in the bloodiest single day of combat that the war produced. Among those thousands was an eighteen year old former college student turned soldier from Woodville, Mississippi named Edward M. Burruss. A prolific writer, Burruss sent long letters to his family throughout the war thus creating a detailed record of his life as a soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia.
Edward M. Burruss enlisted in the "Jeff Davis Guards," Company D, 21st Mississippi Infantry, in March 1862. At the time the regiment marched north into Maryland in the fall of 1862, the 21st was part of Longstreet's Corps, McLaws' Division, Barksdale's Brigade. They were all Mississippians in Barksdale's Brigade: the 13th, 17th, 18th, and 21st Regiments, a finely honed instrument of war that had done much good fighting in the summer of 1862.
Unfortunately the first page of the Burruss letter is lost, but the tablet marking the spot where General William Barksdale's Mississippians fought and died at Sharpsburg serves as a useful introduction:
"Barksdale's Brigade crossed the Potomac at Blackford's Ford about daybreak of the 17th and halted in the western suburbs of Sharpsburg until nearly 9 a.m. It then advanced to the rising ground southwest of this point and formed line in the left center of McLaws' Division, Kershaw on the right and Semmes on the left." (antietam.aotw.org/tablet.php?tablet_id=3580)
As the letter picks up on page two, the 21st Mississippi with their brigade was about to enter a forest known as the West Woods:
Our brigade & Gen. Kershaw’s went into the fight together about 8 o’clock; Gen. Kershaw commanding as he was
senior brigadier. There was a body of woods just in front of us held by the Y’s [Yankees] which our generals wanted. Gen. Kershaw (and by the way is as gallant a little man as any state can boast) galloped up in front of our line, waved his sword over his head & shouted, “Mississippians & South Carolinians! Sweep those woods; forward to the attack” & the order was passed down the line, “forward, guide center, march.” Very soon it came, “double quick march,” and with fixed bayonets & a clear ringing shout at them we went.
The cowardly dogs hardly gave us fight enough to make it interesting but a battery opening just then upon our left & front made it a little more than interesting. Still we kept on through the woods, driving the Y’s before us like scattered sheep, until we came to an open field where their battery was thundering on us. Without waiting for any orders we charged the battery, drove the infantry support back & even the gunners away from their guns.
When heavy reinforcements coming up to the Y’s (we could see them plainly as they came over the brow of a hill right in front of us) who before had already outnumbered us 5 to 1 at least & no support coming to us as should have done we were obliged to fall back to the woods again. In falling back (which is a very difficult feat under a heavy fire & in the face of superior numbers) what almost amounted to a panic seemed to seize on the men of every other regiment in the brigade except ours (the 18th was nothing like as bad as the others) & when they reached the woods instead of stopping & reforming they kept on & finally broke badly. The glorious old 21st however marched out in very good order, halted when they reached the woods, reformed and dressed their line when finding out that not only was our support not coming up but our own men having left both our right & left flank exposed.
Captain Sims who was in command of the regiment ordered us to “about face,” & we marched out in perfect order at “common time.” We were then drawn up behind a stone fence where we remained about three hours under a most
awful fire of grape, canister, shell, shrapnell & every other missile known to war. This was the crossfire of two batteries but about 2 o’clock p.m. a third battery opened on us having our range splendidly & moreover enfilading our whole line. This was a little more than the officers could stand; the men never said a word. (I don’t mean anything against the officers, I mean that they did not want their men to be exposed to such a fire when there was no necessity for it,) & as we were doing no earthly good where we were, we were marched out & assigned a new position about half a mile farther down on the left; still under fire but not so heavy as our other position. This was the last position given us & we held it the night of the fight & the next day during which there was nothing but pickett firing & an occasional shell or two.
The day after the fight (Sept. 18) I had an opportunity of going over the battlefield; in fact we were immediately on one of the very bloodiest parts of it. It is no figure of speech, metaphor or anything but a simple fact to say that there were frequently places where for 50 or 60 yards you could step from one dead Yank to another & walk all over the ground without once touching it with your foot. On one little knoll about 25 or 30 yds. Square I myself counted 189 dead Yankees, & they were no thicker there than in many other places.
What we gained by the battle I do not pretend to say except to kill an immense number of them; they themselves say 4 to 1, I say 6 or 7 to 1. Though not absolutely victorious we drove them back about a mile & held possession of the battlefield with all their dead & wounded until we gave it up voluntarily.
On the night of the 18th about 10 o’clock we were waked up & told to fall in quickly & in perfect silence. We were then told that we were to cross the river & that upon our perfect silence depended our safety. It took us from then until daybreak the next morning to reach the river; the road was so blocked up with troops. However we finally got across & [marching?] around in line of battle where there was no possibility of the Yankees getting to us for two or three days we were brought to this place where we have gone regularly to drilling, which look like staying here some time.
There was one feature of the fight that was perfectly disgraceful & that was the straggling. I will venture to say that not one in fifty regiments took in more than ½ their effective men. The 21st which numbered 400 men at Harper’s Ferry when we left, took in 150. The brigade went in with less than 900 men & this was universally the case & but for this we would have given the Y’s the worst whipping they have ever had yet. There was some reason for straggling but not the extent that was done. We were marched two days & the most of two nights before the fight & the men becoming worn out & tired dropped out by scores.
General Lee’s plan of battle so I have heard required 180,000 men to carry it out whereas the whole army was less than 60,000 strong. We have an army of over 60,000 stragglers. If ever the Yankees will admit a superiority of numbers they will do so this time. The lowest estimate which any of those prisoners taken on the battlefield with whom I conversed made was from 250,000 to 300,000 men & the most of them placed it even higher than that. I saw what looked to me like an army of dead men besides hundreds and hundreds of wounded. They admit now a loss of over 30,000 killed, wounded & prisoners but say we lost 40,000. I saw scarcely any dead Confeds. Our regiment escaped with only about 60 killed and wounded out of 150. Our company lost none. Company E lost none killed, some five wounded. I had almost forgotten to mention my wound & as I came so near it I guess I had better let it go.
What we will do now I can form no idea. I think we are just waiting now for the stragglers to catch up & the army which is terribly worn down, to recruit a little & we will be off again to Maryland or Pennsylvania. I have been woefully disappointed at the Yankeeism which we met in Maryland. In Frederick City alone did we see a Confederate flag & I could not help but feel but just as likely as not a U.S. flag was hanging on the next nail to the one this had been taken from. The next time we start northward I don’t want to stop short of Pennsylvania.
It is getting dark. George & Ned are both well, I am writing on George’s desk. Ned was not in the fight. His feet became so sore he could not march & he dropped out of ranks several days before the fight. He is up & well now however & sends his love to all. George send love to his folk & says tell them they need not be alarmed about him that they have fixed it up here now so that he cannot possibly get into a fight. Claib is well & in excellent spirits & wishes to be remembered.
Give me love to everyone at home; it seems to me I love them all more since coming through that fight. I have not received one word from home since leaving Richmond. Love to Bowling Green & Westwood. Tell Uncle Charlie, Miss Anna that I thought of collecting her a whole peck of Yankee fingernails to make her a sewing basket of as she is ingenious at such things but I feared I could not get them to her. Remember me to the servants, especially old Marie & Tom. Kiss the children.
Affectionately Your Son,
Edward M. Burruss
(John C. Burruss Family Papers, Mss. 1209, Louisiana State University)
While the numbers mentioned by Burruss in his letter as to the men engaged and total casualties were wildly inflated, his estimate of the casualties in the 21st Mississippi were not too far off. The regiment took less than 200 men into the fight at Sharpsburg, and of that number 11 were killed and 31 wounded. (Compiled Service Records, 21st Mississippi Infantry.)
Edward Burruss continued sending letters home, documenting his war battle by battle, until he was seriously wounded in the Wilderness. Sent home on furlough, he never recovered from his wound sufficiently to return to his regiment, and he ended the war in Woodville. Burruss died at the young age of 34 on April 2, 1878, possibly a victim of the terrible yellow fever epidemic that scourged the Mississippi Valley that year, and is buried in Bowling Green Cemetery in Woodville.